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Table Manners |
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Donald E Chatham |
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March 2, 2009
The Chicago Literary Club
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Origins and anecdotes of the Algonquin Round Table. |
At the time this part of its story
began, the Algonquin Hotel was already a stylish enclave for the theatrical and
literary lights of the day and the center of the cultural universe that was
Manhattan. But at the end of WWI, it was about to become the locus of one of
the most well-known and enduring literary hallmarks of the 20th
century – The Algonquin Round Table, where the behaviors, or manners if you
will, of its denizens, did much to set the tone for an age and create a legacy
of American wit, wisdom (and literary élan) that resonates to this day.
It started with World War I and ended
with the Depression. Traumatic as the war was, few of the men and women
destined for the Algonquin Round Table were much troubled by its circumstances.
Most were already busy desperately trying to make their careers on Broadway,
both in theatre and in writing about the theatre. For those called up, the war
held the surface appeal of an elaborate, titillating prank, in part because
barely nine months of fighting remained when this particular contingent reached
the shores of France and because many of them would never see action.
In particular, three of the Round Table
principals, Franklin P Adams, Alexander Woollcott, and Harold Ross worked
together in Paris on the Army’s magazine, Stars and Stripes, and
afterwards, through the publications they worked for, served as the primary
source for promulgating the lifestyle that the Round Table was to signify.
After the War, much of the world was
chronically dazed, as Mark Sullivan put it, and there was an urgency to turn a
corner. Writers such as Walter Lippmann, John Dos Passos and Joseph Wood Krutch
tried to reason their way out of the moral vacuum of the postwar period. Others
illuminated it with their art. There were prominent writers such as Eugene
O’Neill, Edna St Vincent Millay, Sinclair Lewis and H. L. Mencken, who would never
lunch at the Round Table. But it really didn’t matter to the group that
referred to itself as the Vicious Circle, and everyone in this small, insular
“smart set” was quite all right with serving as court jesters to an anxious
kingdom -- to the extent they were even aware.[1]
It was time to make up for lost time. It
was a new age of commerce, salesmanship -- and margin buying. Everybody was
getting rich and looking for a good time. Edmund Wilson noted “how much freer
people were – in their emotion, in their ideas, and in expressing themselves.
In the twenties they could love, they could travel, they could stay up late at
night, as extravagantly as they pleased; they could think or say or write
whatever seemed to them amusing or interesting. There was a good deal of
irresponsibility, and a lot of money and energy wasted, and the artistic
activities of the time suffered from the general vices, but it was [also] a . .
. favorable climate for writing . . . .”[2]
Ready to make the most of it was a young
press agent named John Peter Toohey, who was managing
the careers of Eugene O’Neill and George S. Kaufman. Woollcott was back at the Times
as drama critic in 1919, and Toohey prevailed upon a
friend of Woollcott’s, another publicist named Murdock Pemberton, to arrange a
lunch with Woollcott at the Algonquin so that Toohey
could promote O’Neill. Woollcott was not impressed, and proceeded instead to go
on at length with war stories about himself
that invariably began with the phrase, “When I was in the theater of war . . .
.”
Toohey and Pemberton
then thought of having lunch there again with all the New York theater
journalists to send up Woollcott. Ostensibly the occasion was to welcome the
“dean of theatre critics” back from the war, but the two publicists set it up to
be a well-deserved roast. As Woollcott finished one of his “When I was in the
theater of war” stories, Arthur Samuels chimed in with: “If you were ever in
the theatre of war, Aleck, it was in the last-row seat nearest the exit.”
Woollcott could take as well as he could give and regarded it all in good fun,
even though most there were quite deferential to his power in their world.
Woollcott loved the attention and wanted
to do it again with a select few who were the most fun, or the least
threatening, and with whom he could trade quips the best. Among them were:
Heywood Broun, Franklin P. Adams, better known as FPA, for the byline he used
on his New York Tribune society column named “The Conning Tower;” Dorothy
Parker, Robert Benchley and Robert Sherwood, who were working for Vanity
Fair; Harold Ross, the founder of The New Yorker; and George S.
Kaufman and Marc Connelly who collaborated on a number of successful comedies.
At the end of this second luncheon, Toohey, ever the opportunistic publicist, came up with the
idea that they do it every day. And so it began. Parenthetically, it was also Toohey, a few years later, who
came up with idea to name Harold Ross’ new magazine The New Yorker.
Frank Case, the genteel manager of the
Algonquin, was at first perplexed about the rough, seemingly sophomoric group
that would gather impolitely in growing numbers around a regular table,
bringing up chairs and squeezing themselves in with little regard for other
patrons. On the other hand, he also realized that these up and coming wits drew
customers for the sight of the gathering itself. Then as always, their only
concern seemed to be their own good company. Herman Mankiewicz
dubbed them “the greatest collection of unsalable wit in America.”[3]
As much to minimize the disruption they
were causing as to capitalize on their growing influence on the popular culture
of the time, Case’s response was to set up a large, round table in another
room, the Rose Room. And thus, serendipitously, without ever expecting it to
become what it did, the Algonquin Round Table was underway.
At first the barbs were there for their
own delight. When a friend rubbed Marc Connelly’s bald head and said it
reminded him of his wife’s behind, Connelly rubbed his head himself and said,
“Why, so it does.” Edna Ferber, who was fond of wearing tailored suits, showed
up one day for lunch wearing a new suit similar to one Noel Coward was wearing.
“Edna,” Coward, called out, “you look almost like a man.” Ferber replied,
without losing a beat, “And so do you, Noel.” Speaking out about reviewers who
seemed unable to render objective critiques of authors who had won the Nobel
Prize, Ferber delighted the group by dismissing them as “awestruck by the Nobelity.”[4]
In 1921 there were seventy six
legitimate theatres in New York compared to thirty two in 1951 (and maybe half
that now). The theatre was a live art, undiluted by Hollywood, radio, or
television. Producers put up their own money and dealt with actors directly
rather than through their agents. The cost of production was a fraction of what
it is now, and the unions were neither as powerful nor as balky. A play could
have a fairly long run of say 200 performances at a satisfactory profit without
having to be a smash hit.[5]
Newspapers and magazines were more the
source for cultural influence than the radio. Round Tablers
wrote for all the major media of the day. Heywood Broun wrote for the Tribune,
The World, the Telegram, and the World-Telegram. Woollcott wrote for the New York Times.
Publishers agreed that together these personalities could sell more books than
any other commentator before or after, with the possible exception of Walter
Winchell a little later in the decade.[6]
There was a premium on youth in those
postwar years as well. Editors were hungry for new voices, new viewpoints,
anything to keep their publications fresh and up-to-date as the public was
anxious to put the gloom of the last decade behind them. In New York, one
replacement for the midnight oil and daylight drudge that older writers endured
was what Edmund Wilson called the “all-star literary vaudeville” of the Round
Table in which one’s social efforts counted toward one’s working reputation.
The system of literary mentor-protégé relationships was highly developed and it
was through two of the city’s most highly regarded journalists – FPA at the Tribune
and Frank Crowninshield at Vanity Fair -- that most of the young Algonquinites
came to enter the life of the literati. In addition, the ability to create
laughter seemed to present added possibilities for making “contacts” in both
the financial and the cultural fields. The fledglings of the Round Table played
that game well.[7]
Crowninshield for all the
cache associated with Vanity Fair, was a socially conscious taskmaster
who referred to his Algonquinite staff as “amazing
whelps.” It was said of him that he would let his writers say anything -- as
long as they said it in evening clothes. At one point he sent out memoranda
forbidding employees to discuss salaries, after which Benchley, Parker and
Sherwood took to wearing placards around their necks bearing that information.
When they were late, employees had to fill out tardy slips explaining why.
Benchley filled both sides of one such slip with a story about how the Hippodrome
elephants had got loose and how he, heroically, had tried to turn them back,
which involved scampering after them as they trooped around the Plaza Hotel and
down to the Hudson docks, making him – drat the luck! – eleven minutes late. [8]
These young talents were gaining
national reputations. FPA’s widely popular column was an increasingly hip
source for the goings-on of these new sophisticates and had a national
following. Woollcott’s flamboyant reputation as king of the drama critics was
paramount. Kaufman and Connelly were making it as playwrights and had their
eyes more on commercial success than artistic success. They set out to show up
the conventions and crazes of middle class America for a fraud, they snookered
the careerists, and showed virtue to be tool of hypocrites. However, their
audience was no Lost Generation but rather the people who could afford
tickets. And they always let their
targets get away clean at the end. It was Kaufman who coined the line, “If you
have a message, call for Western Union,” as well as “Satire is something that
closes on Saturday night.” High art was not on the agenda.
Aside from their own budding literary
distinctions, the Round Tablers consequently played a
secondary role, as Mark Van Doren noted, which was
“to retail the gossip, promulgate the jests, discuss the personalities, and
represent the manners of New York. [They were] the licensed jesters of the
town,” and they wrote of nothing more often than, or better than, of
themselves. Their success lay in their ability to convey a sense of “in-ness” to their readers, an inside line to the new
sophistication. And so the Round Table essentially provided each other an
ongoing source of copy.[9]
Here’s a clip from FPA’s Saturday
column, The Diary of Our Own Samuel Pepys, that captures both his unique
literary style as well as the typical goings on that went out to his broad
readership:
So to the baseball game with D. Stewart . . . thence
to G. Kaufman’s, and played cards, and lost so little that H. Ross said it was
a moral victory . . . So to H. Broun’s, where a great party and merry as can
be, and we acted a play, J. Toohey being the most comickal (sic) of all; but I loved Mistress Dorothy Parker
the best of any of them, and loathe to leave her, which I did not do until near
five in the morning . . . then after to R. Sherwood’s to play cards, and an
amusing game we had of it . . . and so
to F. Case’s, and as merry an evening as I ever had, and Rob Benchley come in
to watch and did most comickal anticks
as I ever saw in my life, what with imitating a cyclone and a headwaiter . . .
Saw too Miss Mary Pickford . . . And in came D. Fairbanks . . . and so to
dinner with R. Benchley and Mistress Dorothy . . . and I fell in love with Miss
Helen Hayes for a few minutes, and so home, at near four in the morning. But I
made a vow that I shall go to bed early forever after this.
As was the case nationally, prohibition
seemed to create only more opportunities for alcohol abuse, which for the Round
Tablers only whetted their already cutting
personalities. It’s hard to say how things might have turned out if they all
weren’t so focused on getting access to booze. If their days started at the Gonk, they often ended in booze-flushed apartments and
elegant midtown speakeasies, such as Tony Soma’s.
A star-gazing, social climbing magazine
illustrator named Neysa McMein,
who lived across the hall from Dorothy Parker, became part of the growing
field, by way of FPA again, and held an open salon to all her friends where
they often met in the hours before and after theatre engagements. An unusual
hostess, she often spent her time at the gatherings painting portraits of the
group and usually just engaged them when they arrived and when they left with
her paint brush in her teeth and gestures of disheveled politeness. The
crowning attraction, however, was Neysa’s bathtub
gin, a renowned mixture, they say, of grain alcohol, glycerin, distilled water
and oils of lemon and coriander. At any given time, in addition to the many
increasingly prominent Tablers, it would not be
unusual to find budding talents such as Jascha
Heifetz, Irving Berlin, Charlie Chaplin, Mary Pickford and more. Evidently
Gershwin performed his “Rhapsody in Blue” at Neysa’s
prior to its Broadway debut.
They were glorying in their celebrity.
This was their decade now, there for them and them alone. Disconnected as it
was from reality, united in a common albeit neurotic, self-destructive bond,
and benefiting from the confluence of a like and caustic sense of humor, they
worked each other over and into the many incidents that ultimately became their
legend.
Adams was regarded as the “father” so to
speak of the Round Table for his many introductions, but the caustic, imperious
and temperamental Alexander Woollcott remained the center of the group and set
the tone if only because, despite his arrogance and generally dismissive ways,
he was the most social -- and the most socially ambitious -- in their general
regard. But he was reviled as much as revered because of his often offensive
ways. Marc Connelly said that “rancor was [his] only form of exercise.” On
being asked to describe Woollcott in one word, Kaufman thought for a moment and
answered, “Improbable.” Thurber referred to him as “Old Vitriol and Violets.”
And when Woollcott, gloating over his first book said “Ah, what is so rare as a Woollcott first edition?” FPA replied, “A
Woollcott second edition.”
When approached by a former classmate at
a college reunion, Woollcott replied “I can’t remember your name, but don’t
tell me.” In response to his meanness even to his closest friends, he remarked,
“My friends will tell you that Woollcott is a nasty old snipe. Don’t believe
them. Woollcott’s friends are a pack of simps who
move their lips when they read.” When he informed a friend that he was going to
stay at the friend’s house for a few days, the friend remarked with some
hesitation at the prospect, “That will be swell,” whereupon Woollcott replied,
“I’ll be the judge of that.” He thought Harold Ross looked like “a dishonest
Abe Lincoln.” In a backhanded defense of his friend Michael Arlen, he said
“Arlen, for all his reputation, is not a bounder. He is every other inch a
gentleman.” A few of his more famous quips include “A broker is a man who runs
your fortune into a shoestring,” and “All the things I really like to do are
either immoral, illegal, or fattening.” On a local note, we can add the
following: “The people of Germany are just as responsible for Hitler as the
people of Chicago are for the Chicago Tribune.” He could also be endearingly
gracious and caring and remained a constant in the lives of the Vicious Circle
as many of them drifted apart.
Benchley had a droll, off-beat sense of
humor that historians have credited as setting the tempo for modern comics. As
the Round Tablers got into their full swing, they
decided to stage a revue for their friends, titled No Sirree,
during which Benchley delivered what became probably
his signature sketch, The Treasurer’s Report. After the performance,
Irving Berlin asked him to begin performing the sketch in his Music Box
Revue. Benchley was incredulous. He hadn’t even written it down. As a joke,
he asked for $500 a week, a very high sum at the time -- about $6,000 in today’s
currency -- and Berlin agreed.
Benchley was married with two children
and living in Scarsdale. At first he was a tee-totaler,
a model family man, and something of a prude. Life in the fast lane, his close
friendship with Dorothy Parker especially, who was decidedly not a tee-totaler, and their many after-hours forays over to Tony
Soma’s speakeasy took a depressing toll. As the days and nights went on, he
spent more and more of his time in the city, continued drinking more and more
heavily, had several affairs, and wound up with a room and a regular account,
if you will, at Polly Adler’s brothel. He spent every last dime and then some
of the $500 a week he received for his performance at the Music Box Revue,
and wound up deeply in debt at the end of its 9-month run. Self-deprecating to
a fault, he led a surprisingly dissipated life and died an alcoholic, but he
did leave us with some very good lines.
·
When
he arrived in Venice for a summer vacation, he immediately wired a friend with
this message: Streets flooded. Please advise.
·
On
matters of personal finance, he quipped: The advantage of keeping family
accounts is clear. If you do not keep them, you are uneasily aware of the fact
that you are spending more than you are earning. If do keep them, you know it.
·
In
commenting on his writing success, he said, “It took me fifteen years to
discover that I had no talent for writing, but I couldn’t give it up because by
that time I was too famous.”
·
On
the death of a Hollywood movie queen whose sensational love life had been
highly publicized, Benchley’s suggested epitaph was: “She sleeps alone at
last.”
·
As
a drama critic, he ran a string of negative observations over time on what he
thought was an awful play called Abie’s Irish Rose,
which nevertheless was wildly popular. The series of comments ran along lines
like this:
o
People
laugh at this every night, which explains why democracy can never be a success.
o
In
another two or three years, we’ll have this play
driven out of town.
o
Where
do people come from who keep this going? You don’t see them out in the daytime.
o
And
along about the middle of the show’s run, “We might as well say it now as
later. We don’t like this play. And finally, with characteristic sarcasm,
o
We
were fooling all the time. It’s a great show.
·
After
several suicide attempts by a young female artist in the group -- or by some
accounts, Dorothy Parker’s first suicide attempt -- Benchley advised her to go
easy on the suicide stuff as it was likely to ruin her health
·
Arriving
home on a rainy night, he told his wife he needed to get out of his wet clothes
and into a dry martini.
·
In
America, he observed, there are two classes of travel – first class and with
children.
·
In
describing an exchange with a notable but intimidating figure, he concluded:
Drawing on my fine command of the English language, I said nothing.
·
He
observed that the freelance writer is a man who is paid per piece or per word
or perhaps.[10]
The main attraction, though, far and
away, was Dorothy Parker. Parker was born Dorothy Rothschild (in 1893) of a
Jewish father and Christian mother, who died when Dorothy was five. She grew up
on the upper west side of Manhattan and attended a Roman Catholic school but
was asked to leave after she referred to the Immaculate Conception as
“spontaneous combustion.” She later went to a finishing school in Morristown,
New Jersey, but her formal education ended when she was thirteen.
Following her father’s death in 1913 she
played piano at a dancing school to earn a living while she worked on her
verse. She sold her first poem to Vanity Fair in 1914 and then landed a job as
a staff writer for Vogue. She moved to Vanity Fair, another Conde Nast publication, as a staff writer in 1916. In 1917 she married a Wall Street broker
named Edwin Pond Parker, who was shortly called up into the Army. He came back
with a number of serious addictions and ultimately the marriage fell apart.
From that time forward, though, she was known among her friends as Mrs. Parker,
even after marrying again.
She was always ambivalent about her
(half) Jewish heritage, particularly given the strong anti-Semitism of that
era, and joked that she only married to escape her name. One day at lunch when
Kaufman took offense at one of Woollcott’s racist remarks, he arose from the
table and declared: “This is the last time that I shall tolerate any slur upon
my race at this table. I am now walking away from this table, out of this
dining room, and out of this hotel” He then looked around the table, saw
Dorothy, and added: “And I hope that Mrs. Parker will walk out with me – half
way.” She had a very unhappy childhood and hated both her father and her
stepmother, refusing to refer to her as either mother or stepmother, preferring
instead to call her “the housekeeper.”[11]
On the other hand, she was pretty and
demure, with a unique voice and speech pattern that endeared her to her
friends. Her self-deprecating charm surfaces in a comment on her own writing,
whereby she said, “I’d like to have money. And I’d like to be a good writer.
These two can come together, and I hope they will, but if that’s too adorable,
I’d rather have money.” She had a devastating, cutting wit that grew out of
numerous failed marriages and affairs (she once said she liked her men
handsome, ruthless and stupid), along with several suicide attempts and chronic
alcoholism. Brendan Gill observed that her knack for causing things to end
badly, amounted, in her friends’ eyes, to genius, and one cannot help thinking
with sympathy of the miserable days and nights through which she drove a
succession of distracted lovers.[12]
Her lunch-time barbs, quips and short
verses were picked up by Woollcott in the Times, FPA in The Conning
Tower, and later by Ross in The New Yorker, developing along the way
what became her national reputation as a wit. Woollcott described her as “a
combination of Little Nell and Lady Macbeth.” She published her first volume of
verse in 1926, which sold 47,000 copies and was praised widely. Typical of the
acclaim was a review in The Nation that found it “caked with a salty
humor, rough with splinters of disillusion, and tarred with a bright black
authenticity.”[13]
In the midst of a long standing feud
with Clare Booth Luce, whom she considered an insufferably pompous fraud, they
ran into each other entering a building. “Age before beauty,” said Luce,
dripping with disdain; “Pearls before swine,” Parker responded, as she swept
through the door before her. Told that Luce was kind to her inferiors, Parker
asked, “And where does she find them?” She described Basil Rathbone
as “Two profiles pasted together.” At one of the Algonquin luncheons, a female
author was congratulating herself on the success of her marriage to someone the
Tablers considered a crushing bore. “I’ve kept him
for seven years,” the author concluded with pride, at which time Parker chimed
in, “Don’t worry, my dear, if you keep him long enough he’ll come back in
style.”
Her own circumstances with men prompted
dismissive turns of romantic phrase. Reporting on a Yale prom, she said, “If
all those sweet young things present were laid end to end, I wouldn’t be at all
surprised.” Describing a guest at one of her own parties, she said “That woman
speaks eighteen languages and can’t say ‘No’ in any of them.” When informed that a female acquaintance had
broken a leg while vacationing in London, Parker concluded that she probably
did so by “sliding down a barrister.”
Conversely, she was not above
recognizing her own faults along these lines. Asked about a party she had
attended, she said, “One more drink and I would have been under the table; two
more drinks and I would have been under the host.” Arriving late to a party,
the host said the guests were ducking for apples. Parker’s response was,
“There, but for a typographical error, is the story of my life.” On being shown
a lush apartment by a real estate agent, she observed, “Oh dear, that’s much
too big. All I need is room enough to lay my hat and a few friends.” Discussing
a job with a prospective employer, Mrs. Parker explained, “Salary is not an
object; I want only enough to keep body and soul apart.” At the reception
following her re-marriage to Alan Campbell, she said, “People who haven’t
talked to each other in years are on speaking terms again today – including the
bride and groom.”
Her reviews were often devastating.
Because plays were so prominent in New York at the time, many were pretty bad.
As a theatre critic, Parker was hard pressed to suffer them gladly. In
describing a performance by Katherine Hepburn no less, she wrote “She ran the
whole gamut of emotions from A to B.” She dismissed some novels expeditiously:
“This book must be a gift book -- that is to say, a book which you wouldn’t
take on any other terms.” Elsewhere she wrote, “This is not a novel to be
tossed aside lightly. It should be thrown with great force.” Of the play House
Beautiful, Mrs. Parker commented: “The House Beautiful is the play
lousy.” About the state of modern fiction at the time, she noted, “A list of
our authors who have made themselves most beloved and, therefore, most
comfortable financially, shows that it is our national joy to mistake for the
first rate, the fecund rate.” She also
wrote book reviews for The New Yorker under the name “The Constant
Reader.” During that time she had to review a book by A S Milne, whose child-like, baby-talk language she found particularly
cloying. She ended the review famously with the comment, “At that point Tonstant Weader Fwowed up.”
The Round Tablers
also loved to play word games. One of their favorites was to use a word in a
sentence. Parker is maybe most famous for one of two lines. The first being
“Men don’t make passes at girls who wear glasses,” and the other being her
response to a challenge to use the word “horticulture” in a sentence. And I’m
wagering that this one is well known here tonight as well. So I will turn to
the audience for that reply – Can you give me a sentence with the word,
horticulture? [You can lead a whore to culture but you can’t make her think.]
Parker and several others in the group
became quite famous and wealthy. Even so, there developed a feeling among all
but maybe Sherwood that they had sold out. As their careers began to take them
in different directions, they drifted apart and ultimately became quite bitter
about each other and about the fame that accrued to them because of the Round
Table. Parker actually discounted many of the stories about her and about them.
“These were no giants,” she said many years later. “Think who was writing in
those days – Lardner, Fitzgerald, Faulkner and Hemingway. Those were the real
giants. The Round Table was just a lot of people telling jokes and telling each
other how good they were. Just a bunch of loudmouths showing off, saving their
gags for days, waiting for a chance to spring them . . . . It was the terrible day of the wisecrack.”[14]
None of them wrote any significant
memoirs about their time at the Algonquin and some dismissed the fame that
attended them in those years. Parker and Benchley in particular, perhaps the
most gifted of the Algonquin wits, ended up with desolate lives. Benchley lived
through a moribund marriage and died of complications from cirrhosis of the
liver. Parker died in lonely, alcoholic obscurity. The titles of her books
amounted to a capsule autobiography: Enough Rope, Sunset Gun, Laments for the Living, Death and Taxes, After Such
Pleasures, Not So Deep as a Well, Here Lies. With a single exception, the
titles all speak directly or indirectly of death.[15]
At the time of her death in 1967, most people had thought she was already dead.
Her ashes remained unclaimed for 17 years.
But in that particular time, those ten
years or so between World War I and the Great Depression, theirs was a shining
light unlike anything before or since. Edna St. Vincent Millay was a peripheral
figure at the time, sometimes with them sometimes not, and seems to have
written a fitting epitaph for this passing glory:
My candle
burns at both ends;
It will not last the night;
But ah, my foes, and oh, my friends–
It gives a lovely light!
Wikipedia.
Brendan Gill, Ed. The
Portable Dorothy Parker. New York: Vintage.
Drennan, Robert E. Algonquin
Wits: Bon Mots, Wisecracks, Epigrams and Gags. New York: Carol Publishing
Group, 1995.
Gaines, Ermest R. Wit's
End. NYC: HBJ, 1977.
Harriman, Margaret
Case. The Vicious Circle. New Yiork: Rinehart & Company, 1951.
Hermann, Dorothy. With
Malice Toward All. New York: G P Putnam's Sons, 1982.
Meade, Marion. Dorothy
Parker What Fresh Hell Is This. New York: Penguin Books, 1989.
The Viking Press. The
Portable Dorothy Parker. New York: Viking, 1973.
[1] (Gaines 1977, 17)
[2] (Brendan Gill n.d., xxi)
[3] (Gaines 1977, 28)
[4] (Drennan 1995, 152 (most of the quotes will be from this source))
[5] (Harriman 1951, 40)
[6] (Harriman 1951, 76)
[7] (Gaines 1977, 34-36)
[8] (Harriman 1951)
[9] (Gaines 1977, 47)
[10] (Drennan 1995)
[11] (Wik)
[12] (Brendan Gill n.d., xxvii)
[13] (Meade 1989)
[14] (Hermann 1982, 85)
[15] (Brendan Gill n.d., xxvi)